Barely a year in power, the debate is already heated regarding Pastef's management of power. This party, which raised great hopes, has certainly taken a number of steps toward a break. These include the formation of the government and the selection of many profiles that meet the requirements for a large number of positions, the truthfulness of public accounting figures, the desire to stop the land massacre, to establish accountability, and to renegotiate a large number of contracts.

However, this regime also has cause for concern, especially if we consider a series of actions taken recently. Take the emblematic example of the review letter from Malick Ndiaye, a Pastef executive and president of the National Assembly. In his letter, the former minister presents a glowing assessment of the Diomaye-Sonko duo. He cites as evidence the revision of fishing agreements, the "Drinking Water for All" project, and a significant reduction in the cost of electricity. On the agricultural front, he cites "the clearing of producers' debts" and "the increase in the price of a kilogram of peanuts," and the securing of livestock farming with the imminent revision of the agro-forestry-pastoral law.

On the economic front, El Malick Ndiaye speaks of controlling public debt and lowering the prices of certain food commodities. El Malick Ndiaye's report also includes the revitalization of Senegal's international image, not to mention the New Technology Deal.

The first observation is that in Malick Ndiaye's report, there are more projects than achievements. Debt control, Drinking Water for All, the New Technology Deal, and securing livestock are all projects. The proof is that how can we talk about debt control when the deficit today is more than 100% of GDP? The day Senegal falls below the 70% mark, as required by WAEMU rules, El Malick will be able to declare victory. For now, we are far from that, with a downgraded rating and almost no budgetary margin.

Furthermore, what kind of livestock security is El Malick Ndiaye talking about? Today, more than ever, livestock theft remains a reality, even a scourge. Families once secure from want have fallen into poverty because the family livestock was stolen in a single day, leaving siblings without income. El Malick Ndiaye only had to ask his relatives in Dahra Djolof before being so affirmative.

In Sine-Saloum, to this day, we see people who come to victims of theft and tell them: "If you give me 150,000 CFA francs, you'll get your horse back." And in this case, even if this strange intermediary is imprisoned, the horse is lost forever. Thus, it is a misunderstanding of the phenomenon to believe that a simple revision of the law will be enough to eradicate it.

The government is therefore highly anticipated on this economic and social issue. It is also expected to address peanut marketing, which is almost at a standstill, despite the government's efforts to support producers.

As for the New Technology Deal, it has only just been launched. However, the Senegalese learned with the Wade and Sall regimes that there is a gap between the launch of a project and its implementation. For years, President Macky Sall and his supporters have included the 100,000 housing program and the elimination of temporary shelters in their budget.

When they left, they left less than 1,000 homes in Senegal, despite all the noise. As for the temporary shelters, they remained intact. These two examples, to which many others can be added, are proof that there is a big difference between a vision or promise and its realization.

Regarding the decline in basic necessities, it must be acknowledged that the price of bread has seen a real reduction on the ground. For sugar, on the other hand, the price of 700 francs per kilogram is the norm almost everywhere. There may only be a few places where the price is 600 francs. The results are therefore mixed. The same goes for oil, a product whose price on the international market has risen above the price set by the State.

Regarding electricity, Senegalese people are expecting a drop in energy prices, especially since SAR has refined the first barrels of Senegalese oil. A drop in costs is good, but the promise made to the Senegalese is a drop in prices. However, the authorities have so far remained silent on this issue.

On the diplomatic front, it is difficult, if not impossible, to provide any indication that Senegal's diplomacy has been restored. President Diomaye Faye has been invited by the same people who always invited his predecessor, Macky Sall. Certainly, President Faye was appointed mediator by ECOWAS with the ESA countries. But this mediation has clearly failed, to the point that the new Ghanaian president seems to be taking over. Added to this are the expulsions of our compatriots from Mauritania, which have received no public response.

Finally, Augustin Tine and Seydina Diagne failed at FIFA and the IOC, respectively. This is a diplomatic issue. Senegal did not submit a candidacy for the presidency of the African Union Commission. This stance was perhaps dictated by the candidacy of Senegal's Amadou Hott for the presidency of the AfDB. We'll see what Senegalese diplomacy does.

In short, the picture painted by El Malick Ndiaye is too good to be true. The economic situation remains difficult, and on the judicial front, the interpretative law passed by MP Amadou Ba calls into question the will to deliver justice without distinction. The new regime would therefore benefit from showing greater clarity.

In many ways, this assessment by El Malick shows that Pastef is losing sight of the reality on the ground in favor of the reality on paper. It is building its own bubble. The most worrying thing here is that this is a phenomenon we used to see at the end of a regime's reign, not at the beginning of its term.